The Potential and Prospect for Strategic Partnership
-Ruchita Beri, Research Officer, IDSA
"Our common hope of success will depend on our ability to act together. We are reassured that we can count on India as our strategic partner in this historic endeavour which seeks to give birth to a new world of a just and lasting world peace, of prosperity for all peoples and equality among nations."
Deeply meaningful words of the famous prominent political personality in South Africa, the Deputy President, the potential successor to the leadership of the country after Nelson Mandela. They underline the relationship between India and South Africa and its future course. As South Africa makes the transition to an equitable and multi-racial society, it faces a daunting task ahead. On the other hand, South Africa's foreign policy in these recent years of transition from apartheid has been filled with apparent ambiguities.2 The recently released foreign policy discussion document does not clear these uncertainties. It is understandable that South Africa's foreign policy is still evolving, and is hoped that this haziness will be cleared in the near future.3
Having said that, and taking Mbeki's speech as a guideline, I feel India and South Africa have a lot of things going for them to begin a strategic partnership. India and South Africa both share the colonial past. South Africa was the place where Gandhiji, India's father of the nation began his Satyagraha movement against the British rule, and thus dear to India. We also share the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean which is considered a bridge between the two countries. Trade between the shores of this ocean can be traced back to the ancient times and has been rejuvenated with the formation of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). Not to be forgotten are the Indians in South Africa who strengthen the cultural ties between the two countries.
The time has come to convert this association of the past to a concrete strategic relationship for the future. The vision of a strategic partnership is linked with the political and strategic advantages gained through it. First of all, it should augment the political and economic will of the people within the region and the world. More importantly, it should enhance our ability to play a major role in the region. For evolving a strategic partnership there has to be a broad similarity of views between the two countries. Like belief in moderate politics; peaceful transformation of political order; abhorrence to external intervention. All these factors go along with South Africa. This partnership could be strengthened through cooperation in various fields.
Augmenting Political Ties
India's ties with South Africa can be traced back to the immigration of Indian labour to Natal in the latter half of the 19th century. The first batch of Indians reached Port Durban in November 1860. Between 1860 and 1866, nearly 5,000 Indian indentured labourers were brought into Natal. It was on the South African soil that Mahatmaji developed the concept and philosophy of Satyagraha, an instrument which he later used in India's struggle for freedom. India has been in the forefront of the struggle against racial segregation since then. It was the first country to break trade relations with South Africa in protest against its racial policies. It was also the first country to raise the issue of racial discrimination in South Africa at the United Nations. Over the last fifty years, India has had a non-formal relationship with South Africa, providing considerable political, moral and material support to the anti- apartheid movement. This has been acknowledged by Nelson Mandela:
"India came to our aid when the rest of the world stood by or gave succour to our oppressors...When the doors of the international councils were closed to us, India opened the way. You took up our battle as your own battle. Now that we have been victorious, it cannot be said too often that our victory is also India's victory."
In November 1993, we restored diplomatic relations with South Africa. The growing relationship between the two countries is visible in the number of high level, ministerial and trade delegations' visits exchanged between the two countries since the inauguration of the Government of National Unity in South Africa. Apart from President Mandela and Deputy President Thabo Mbeki, as many as 20 South African Ministers, two members of Parliament and more than 100 trade delegations have visited India. Similarly from the Indian side, Vice President K.R. Narayanan, a number of Cabinet Ministers and Ministers of State and delegates from the Indian business community have visited South Africa. The historic ties that existed between us need to be reinforced and augmented.
South Africa is one of the richest countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, with per capita income more than 10 times that of the average Sub-Saharan per capita income. It is also a land of economic contrasts which displays extreme inequality in the distribution of wealth, where the per capita income of the whites is around 12 times that of the blacks.4 Nevertheless, its economy, like that of India, is significantly self-sustained. Again, both India and South Africa are middle-ranging economic powers, in terms of manpower and technological capabilities and both have sizeable industrial and tertiary sectors. After a period of economic stagnation between 1982-1992, the South African economy is all set for recovery. The termination of UN sponsored economic sanctions and the fresh investment flows have certainly helped.
In this new environment, South Africa, like India (in the post-economic liberalisation phase), is searching for a new collaborative network. Both have much to contribute to each other's advantage. India's present Finance Minister, P. Chidambaram, had earlier termed both the countries as a "powerhouse of growth, both bilaterally and multilaterally." In Chidambaram's view, India could use South Africa's expertise in mining, while the latter could use India's strengths in the fields of drugs and pharmaceuticals, textiles, computer software, electronics, etc.5 India has built up a solid industrial base in the agro-based and small-scale manufacturing sectors, which could be of interest to South Africa. By the early 1980s, India had emerged as a food-surplus country. In the process, India had gained a wide range of experience in food production technologies and in agro-based industries such as sugar, cashew-processing and vegetable oil industry. Developing the rural and small scale industries sector is another area of Indian specialisation. This sector had a vital role in building up rural and urban linkages as also helping with low cost, labour intensive development processes. India's experience with small scale industry could be of interest to South Africa and vice versa. We could assist South Africa in setting up these industries. This would not only strengthen the industrial base of the country but provide employment and income generation opportunities to around 40 per cent of the active working population which is at present unemployed.6
In recent years there have been frequent exchanges of trade and business delegations between the two countries, to explore the possibilities of cooperation. This is reflected in the growing volume of trade. In 1946, before trade sanctions were imposed, South Africa accounted for nearly 5 per cent of India's total exports. Since the lifting of sanctions in September 1993, bilateral trade has been growing at a surprising rate. From a modest figure of US $80 million in 1993, it rose to US $255 million in 1994 to US $600 million in 1995.7 The main items exported from India are: textiles, leather hides and skin, chemicals, machinery and equipment, and vegetable products; the main imports are base metals and products, chemicals, wood pulp and paper, and mineral products. During South African Deputy President Thabo Mbeki's visit to India last year, an agreement was signed on avoiding double taxation. This should augment trade and investment flows between the two countries.8
South Africa and India could also cooperate for the economic development of the Afro-Asian region. The African continent is in the throes of great developmental distress. Already, South Africa, clearly an economic giant in Southern Africa, is being looked at as the saviour of the region. South Africa cannot escape its African destiny. As President Mandela had stated in the UN General Assembly in October 1994:
"We are part of the region of Southern Africa and of the continent of Africa. As members of the Southern African Development Community and the OAU, and as an equal partner with other member states, we will play our role in the struggle of these organisations to build a continent and a region that will help to create for themselves and all humanity a common world of peace and prosperity."9
India has offered technical training to South Africans under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation Programme (ITEC), established in 1964. The main objective of this programme was to strengthen ties with the newly independent developing countries which had considerable potential and with countries which had a large population of people of Indian origin.10 This involved technical training, consultancy services and project assistance. South Africa had been offered 60 slots under the ITEC programme for 1995-96. Out of these slots, 30 have been utilised for the training of South African diplomats who were attached with the Indian Foreign Service Institute in March-April 1996. India could provide training in other areas such as management, defence policy and strategy, engineering, etc.
Cooperation in the Indian Ocean Rim
The Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC) was formally launched in Mauritius on March 6-7, 1997. Nearly 500 years after Vasco da Gama crossed the Indian Ocean and landed in Calicut, the countries, economies and people of the Indian Ocean Rim (IOR) have now got a chance to revive the links that had flourished for at least two millennia before colonisation.
The Indian Ocean is the world's third largest ocean. Around half of world's container ships, one-third of the bulk cargo traffic, two-thirds of the world's oil shipments pass through it. It is also rich in strategic minerals, metals and other natural resources. In the context of regionalisation of the world economy, the IOR-ARC assumes significance for India. India's participation in the IOR-ARC has been inspired by the Nehruvian vision of Afro-Asian solidarity which included Australia.
India and South Africa have a stake in making the IOR-ARC a success story. In fact, the concept of an IOR-ARC was first seriously mooted in November 1993 by Pik Botha, the then South African Foreign Minister, during his visit to New Delhi. However, since then, some people in South Africa have questioned the "rationality and...worth of the enterprise."11 It is felt that cooperation in the IOR might dilute South Africa's commitment to the South African Development Community (SADC) and Organisation of African Unity (OAU). There is also the fear that the IOR-ARC and the resultant trade liberalisation would flood the South African markets with cheap products from India and South-East Asia, thereby adversely affecting the indigenous industry.12 Finally, it is felt that the road to the economic well being of South and Southern Africa is through cooperating with the G-7 countries.13
Nevertheless, there are a number of factors making South Africa an important part of the IOR grouping. It would give both South Africa and Southern Africa a stronger political and economic basis for negotiations with the main regional economic associations and with international agencies like the World Bank and European Development Fund. Given the predominance of powerful trading blocks like the European Union and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the only way for many developing countries in the South to avoid economic marginalisation is to seek membership of a key trading group. The IOR-ARC offers the potential for it. South Africa's active role is essential for the success of the IOR-ARC.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had observed:
"By and large, I think it is said that even in the past and remote ages, it was the seafaring nations that prospered, prospered both from the point of view of power and from the view of wealth, because of trade and commerce."14
There is no denying the importance of the maritime sector in the overall economic development process of nations. Both India and South Africa have long coastlines and security of maritime interests is a mutual concern. India has a coastline of 6,300 km with the island territories of Lakshadeep and Andaman, and Nicobar Islands adding another 1,200 km. This coastline harbours 11 major, 20 intermediate and 144 minor ports. When the new Law of the Sea is applied to the country's coastline, it gives India a staggering 2.2 million sq. km. of Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Ninety-five per cent of India's overseas trade passes through the sea. Our other maritime interests include the off-shore oil and vast potential of minerals and seabed resources and fishing interests in the EEZ.
Similarly, South Africa has a long coastline strategically situated along one of the vital sea routes of the world. The total area covered by the EEZ along the coast amounts to close to 1 million sq. km. More than 90 per cent of South African imports and exports in terms of tonnage or 80 per cent in value flow through its ports.15
Cooperation between the two countries could prove useful for enhancing maritime security in the region. This could be initiated through certain confidence building measures like high level contacts among the political and naval officials (which is already in the process), naval exercises at regular frequency and transparency of maritime policies, etc. The guidelines for regional maritime cooperation developed by the Maritime Working Group of the Council for Security and Cooperation in Asia Pacific (CSCAP) could be helpful in evolving the framework for cooperation. They include various aspects like protecting sea lanes of communication, humanitarian assistance, search and rescue, maritime safety, law and order at sea, naval cooperation, maritime surveillance, protection and perservation of the marine environment, and marine scientific research training and technical cooperation.
The field of maritime surveillance may offer many opportunities for cooperation. Pooling the maritime patrol resources for common defined purposes of tracking developments at sea would be of benefit. This would involve sharing of data accruing from maritime surveillance. Appropriate communication linkages and procedures need to be charted out to maximise the advantages of such cooperation. Another area could be hydrography. India has developed expertise and extensive capabilities in this regard. The Indian Navy will possess 10 survey ships by the end of this decade and has plans to increase the number to 16 a few years later. Surveys of seabeds could be undertaken in a collaborative manner and a similar approach could be adopted in preparing nautical charts of the region. Finally, both the countries have well developed dockyards and they could be better utilised through cooperation in repair as well as construction. Joint designing and development of ships and equipment could constitute a long-term objective.
Reforming the United Nations
It is widely acknowledged that the UN Charter and the organisation itself are outdated in many ways, mainly due to the vast changes that have come about in the structure and the composition of international society since the United Nations came into existence more than fifty years ago.16 There is a need for changes in the Charter and in the structure and functioning of the organisation. Expanding the Security Council is one of the ways of improving the representative character of the United Nations. Adding to the permanent membership would permit the Security Council to reflect the changes in the global geo-political realities since the five victorious powers of 1945 insisted that the Charter include special provisions upholding their status and interests. This expanded permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council could include African, Asian and Latin American member states.
India has over the last five decades contributed immensely to the implementation of the ideals of the United Nations Charter to which it was an early signatory.17 Of late India has lent its voice for the reform and restructuring of the Security Council. Reforms of the UN is another area for potential cooperation between South Africa and India which would also help to realise expectations of the majority of the developing nations in supporting the democratisation of the UN Security Council.
Of the numerous conflicts erupting in the world today, Africa's share is perhaps the largest. A study carried out by the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, Sweden, reveals that out of 30 major conflicts going on in the world during 1995, six were in Africa--Algeria, Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan.18 The last few years have witnessed violent conflicts in Somalia, Liberia and Rwanda in particular, which have ravaged the countries and displaced numerous people. The United Nations has been involved in peace-keeping in most of these conflicts. In these peace-keeping missions the tasks varied from election monitoring, human rights observation, humanitarian security, mediation, ceasefire monitoring, peace-making, peace-enforcement and rehabilitation of refugees.
In terms of contribution of states of the UN peace-keeping troops, there appears to be a reluctance on the part of the major economic powers of the world. During 1994, the four permanent members of the UN Security Council (excluding France) contributed only 8.56 per cent of the total UN forces deployed worldwide. To take a larger grouping, the rich G-7 countries, which otherwise dominate global politics and economy along with Russia and China, contributed a total of 21.71 per cent of UN forces in 1994. This is less than the contribution of 26 per cent made by three developing countries of South Asia alone (i.e. Pakistan, India and Bangladesh).19 Thus, the burden of peace-keeping is falling on the shoulders of soldiers from the developing countries. In such a scenario, India and South Africa should cooperate in conflict prevention and resolution on the continent albeit under UN and/or OAU aegis.
Our participation in the UN peace-keeping operations does not stem from considerations of narrow gain. It has been mainly because of our empathy with the affected country and our commitment to the United Nations Charter and to the cause of international peace. In fact, India's participation in the UN peace-keeping role is part of its foreign policy. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister, had defined the role of India's armed forces before Parliament. In addition to the defence of India and aid to civil power, assisting the UN was the third mandatory function.20
The principle of international peace and security is enshrined in Article 51 of the Indian Constitution. It found full expression in Nehru's foreign policy and his advocacy of Panchsheel and peaceful coexistence. The chapter on the Directive Principles of state policy of the Indian Constitution in the international field states that India shall strive:
* to promote international peace and security;
* to maintain just and honourable relations between nations;
* to foster respect for international law and treaty obligations;
* to encourage settlement of international disputes and arbitration.21
India has been involved in these operations for the last 45 years. Its participation in peace-keeping began when the Indian combat troops were first assigned to Korea as the Custodian Force of India (CFI). Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru gave the following message to it before its departure to Korea:
"You, the Custodian Force of India, deployed for the urgent humanitarian duty in the war-torn peninsula of Korea in the early 1950s are going on a mission of peace and goodwill...with ill-will to none and categorical friendship to all. India and the Indian army are honoured by being asked to undertake this task but the responsibility is a heavy one."22
Since then India has contributed troops/military observers to Korea (1953-54), Cambodia (1954-58), Laos (1964-68), Vietnam (1954-70), UNEF (Sinai, 1956-67), UNOGIL (Lebanon, 1958), ONUC (Congo, 1960-64), UNYOM (Yemen, 1963), UNFICYP (Cyprus, 1964 onwards), DOMREP (Dominican Republic 1965), UNIMOG (Iran-Iraq, 1987), UNAVEM (Angola, 1988), UNTAG (Namibia, 1988-89), ONUCA (Central America, 1989), ONUSAL (El Salvador, 1991), UNIKOM (Iraq-Kuwait, 1991), UNOMIL (Liberia, 1991), UNPROFOR (Former Yugoslavia, 1992), UNTAC (Cambodia, 1992), Onumoz (Mozambique, 1992), UNOSOM (Somalia, 1993-95), UNAMIR (Rwanda, 1994), UNAVEM (Angola, 1995). Thus it appears that a major proportion of our peace-keeping operations have been in Africa.
South Africa has the largest and the most professional armed force in Africa. Ever since the formation of the Government of National Unity there has been great pressure for South Africa to take on the mantle of peace-keeping in Africa. Though South Africa has the wherewithal to do so, there appears to be some hesitation possibly because of apprehension of being perceived as a hegemon given the past destabilising influence of the country in the region. South Africa's attitude towards peace-keeping has been summarised as follows by Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz Pahad:
"A fundamental objective of South Africa's policy must be preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, humanitarian assistance and disarmament. However, should international and regional consensus exist on the need for military involvement, the following considerations will have to be taken into account. South Africa should be satisfied that the situation poses a real threat to world peace and security and to regional stability. Any action taken should be in conformity with the charters of the UN and the OAU. In this regard, the South African Constitution and Defence Act provide for the deployment of the SANDF for peace support operations outside the borders of the country at the discretion of the President. In the event of such a decision being considered, it should be discussed by the Cabinet and in Parliament."23
Despite the misgivings, the participation in peace-keeping operations would provide the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) with invaluable experience in its new peace-time role. With fifty years of peace-keeping experience behind us, India can be of tremendous help in this regard. As said earlier, most of our peace-keeping operations in recent years have been in Africa. And our peace-keepers have over the years gained an understanding of the ethos of the people in Africa. We could share our peace-keeping experience with the South African Defence Forces.
Defence Industry Cooperation
The ongoing changes in the defence industries around the world have made defence collaboration a necessity for the survival of indigenous defence industries.24 In the changed circumstances there appears to be a significant scope for cooperation between India and South Africa in defence research and production. In the last four decades, both South Africa and India have developed strong indigenous defence industrial infrastructure and technologies, the sharing of which could be mutually beneficial.
India's peace industry has been divided into two halves. One division, the Defence Production and Supply which includes Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs) and the Ordnance Factories (OFs) took care of defence production proper involving mainly licensed production of MiG range of aircraft, MBTs and other tracked vehicles, frigates and destroyers. The other division under the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) ventured into developing indigenous technologies and equipment. One of the major successes of DRDO is the Integrated Guided Missile Development Project (IGMDP) which involves development of five missiles: the Prithvi short-range SSM, Akash SAM, Trishul--a tactical SAM, Nag—a third generation anti-tank missile, and the Agni IRBM. Other projects of the DRDO include the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), the Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH), the Pilotless Target Aircraft (PTA), the Falcon RPV, the Arjun MBT, the INSAS family of rifles and the PINAKA MRL system.
During Mbeki's visit, a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in the field of defence equipment was signed between the two countries.25 India has shown interest in procuring the G-6 155 mm artillery guns and their ammunition from South Africa. Similarly, South Africa is interested in the Nag missile for mounting on the Rooivalk helicopter. The present cooperation could be expanded to the defence research and development field. A joint study group to explore the scope and chart out the direction of cooperation may be useful to provide specific direction. The joint group would be entitled to develop the cooperative defence research and production activities in accordance with policies and interests of each country. The example of the Indo-US Joint Technical Group set up in 1995 could be relevant.
Pushing for Nuclear Disarmament
As we stand on the threshold of the 21st century, it is imperative that we strive for a nuclear weapon free world. This could be achieved through a ban on production, possession and use of nuclear weapons within an agreed time-frame. India had put forward a realistic plan for comprehensive nuclear disarmament within a time-frame in 1988. The nuclear powers, however, seem to be dragging their feet. There is no justifiable reason for the delay in the total elimination of nuclear weapons. The argument that the world will be unsafe without nuclear weapons is only meant to further the interests of the nuclear weapon states and their allies. The World Court issued a ruling unanimously on July 8, 1996, that, "There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all aspects under strict international control."26
India has rejected the partial measures of arms control like the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT).27 They defeat the ultimate objective by legitimising possession of nuclear weapons and permitting simulated testing of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapon states. India's persistence for nuclear disarmament has been explained aptly through the following reasons:
* Nuclear weapons are the worst form of weapons of mass destruction and contrary to fundamental human moral and ethical values.
* Nuclear disarmament would enhance international peace and security.
* Elimination of nuclear weapons is essential for the movement towards a more equitable world order.
* Finally, and most important of all, India's national security and strategic interests are served better if there is elimination of nuclear weapons. Nuclear disarmament is, therefore, an imperative for our national security.28
The African National Congress (ANC) in the past had been quite vocal in its support to nuclear disarmament. It "shared the commitment of the United Nations to general and complete disarmament under effective international control as resolved by the General Assembly at the Special Session on Disarmament in 1978."29 In the recent years, there has been a dilution in the stance of South Africa. The role played by South Africa in the NPT extension and the conclusion of the CTBT have raised many questions. During the last summit at Cartegena, the non-aligned countries had strongly deplored the fact that the nuclear weapon states had still not fulfilled their obligations contained in Article VI of the NPT and urged further steps (a legally binding instrument by nuclear weapons (NW) states) to assure non-nuclear weapon states party to the NPT against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. India had joined the other members of the G-21 in calling for the immediate establishment in the Conference of Disarmament, of an Adhoc Committee on nuclear disarmament to start negotiations on a phased programme with the eventual aim of eliminating nuclear weapons within a time-bound framework.30 South Africa is the only country to have dismantled its nuclear weapons and adopted a non-nuclear weapon status. This provides South Africa with a powerful leverage and moral high ground to press for a nuclear weapon free world at an early date, rather than promote only non-proliferation like the nuclear weapon states. Giving full support to the non-aligned countries' United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution of November 1996, on convening of the fourth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which would offer an opportunity to review from a perspective more in tune to the current international situation, the most critical aspects of the process of disarmament, and to mobilise the international community in favour of elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, would be a step towards that direction.31
A strong and positive partnership between India and South Africa is necessary for the growth and development of the region. The end of the Cold War has given us an opportunity to do away with the inequalities and imbalances in the world and strive for collectivity and South-South cooperation. With the growing polarisation between the North and South due to differences in the levels of development, cooperation among the developing countries of the South is becoming essential. Further, there are interests of the developing countries which need to be protected. By resurrecting the Non-Aligned Movement, Indo-South African cooperation will help articulate the concerns of the countries which lie outside the privileged arc of the North. There is great potential for growth in trade links of compatible countries of the South. The South African leadership has made a number of pronouncements regarding its commitment to the cause of the developing countries of the South. But these commitments have to be followed by some concrete action. Both India and South Africa are considered to be regional powers with the potential to influence the course of events in world affairs. They should combine their efforts for reaching the goal of "One World" or the Vasudhaiv Kutumbakam projected by India's founding fathers Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru.
1. See acceptance speech of the Deputy President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, on receiving the Doctorate of Laws at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, December 6, 1996, p. 4.
2. There has been a lot of debate on this issue domestically in South Africa. With the accusations that there has been no real change in the South African foreign policy and that it is a continuation of the old order. See Chris Landberg, et. al., Mission Imperfect: Redirecting South Africa's Foreign Policy, (Johannesburg: Foundation of Global Dialogue & Centre for Policy Studies, 1995).
3. See Department of Foreign Affairs, South African Foreign Policy: Discussion Document, 1996.
4. Greg Mills, "Introduction and Acknowledgments," in Antoinette Handley and Greg Mills, eds., From Isolation to Integration: The South African Economy in the 1990s (Johannesburg: SAIIA, 1996), p. 2.
5. R.K. Dhawan, "Current and Potential Trade and Economic Linkages Between India and Africa" in N.N. Vohra and K. Mathews, eds., Africa, India and South-South Cooperation (New Delhi: Haranand Publications, 1997), p. 550.
6. See Villa Pillay, "Response" in Handley and Mills, n. 4, p. 25.
7. India Digest, vol. 4, May 1996, p. 2.
8. "India-S. Africa Agree to Avoid Double Taxation" The Hindu, December 5, 1996.
9. Handley and Mills, n. 4, p. 8.
10. K.L. Dalal, "Strengthening India-Africa Economic Relations: Impact of Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation Programme," in Vohra and Mathews, n. 5, pp. 524-37.
11. See Mfundo C.Nkhulu, "South Africa and the North/South: Pragmatism Versus Principle" in Landberg et. al., n. 2, p. 57.
12. Mfundo C.Nkhulu, "South Africa and the Concept of the Indian Ocean Rim: A Strategic Political and Economic Analysis," South Africa and the Indian Ocean Rim: Obstacles and Opportunities, FGD Occasional Paper, no. 4, January 1996, p. 16.
13. See n. 3.
14. See K. Sridharan, A Maritime History of India (New Delhi: Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, Government of India, 1982), p. 400.
15. Robert Simpson-Anderson, "The South African Navy" in Greg Mills ed., Maritime Policy for Developing Nations (Johannesburg: SAIIA, 1995), p. 275.
16. See Trevor Findlay, "Reform of the United Nations" in SIPRI Yearbook 1996: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1996), pp. 117-132.
17. See Satish Kumar, "Towards a Stronger and More Democratic United Nations: India's Role," International Studies, vol. 30, no. 2, April-June, 1993.
18. Peter Wallensteen and Margareta Sollenberg, "Major Armed Conflicts" SIPRI Yearbook 1996: Armament Disarmament and International Security, (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1996), pp. 15-30.
19. Jasjit Singh, "United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations; The Challenge of Change" Strategic Analysis, vol. 19, no. 4, July 1996, pp. 552-53.
20. Inderjit Rikhye, "United Nations Peace-Keeping Operations and India," India Quarterly, vol. 41, nos. 3 & 4, July-December 1985, pp. 303-319.
21. H.K. Srivastava, "India's Participation in UN Peace-keeping Operations: A Need for Holistic Approach and Transparency in Policy," Trishul, vol. 7, no. 1, Autumn, 1994, p. 42.
22. Shyam Singh, "India's role in United Nations Peace-keeping," Defence Today, vol. 3, no. 3, Oct-Dec, 1995, pp. 92-93.
23. Defence in a Democracy: White Paper on National Defence for the Republic of South Africa, May 1996, p. 30.
24. See Richard A. Bitzinger, "The Globalisation of Arms Industry: The Next Proliferation Challenge," International Security, vol. 19, no. 2, Fall 1994, pp. 170-198.
25. The Hindu, December 5, 1996.
26. Legality of Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, Communique No. 96/23, July 8, 1996, International Court of Justice, Hague.
27. See statement of Arundhati Ghose, Permanent Representative of India to the UN at Geneva, "Start Negotiation for Time Bound Programme on Disarmament," Strategic Digest, vol. 26, no. 3, March, 1996.
28. See Jasjit Singh, "Geostrategies and Geopolitics of India: Recent Developments, Contemporary Challenges and Future Perspectives," paper presented at the international conference on "Politics Culture and Socio-Economic Dynamics in Contemporary India" at Turino, February 3-5, 1997.
29. See ANC, "Foreign Policy Perspective in a Democratic South Africa," December, 1994.
30. See Sally Morphet, "The Non-Aligned and Their 11th Summit at Cartagena, October 1995," The Round Table, no. 340, October, 1996, pp. 455-463.
31. See UN General Assembly Fifty-First Session, First Committee on General and Complete Disarmament, revised draft solution tabled by Columbia for the NAM countries of November 15, 1996.